Die Sage in Abrenzung zu anderen populären Erzählungen (German Edition)

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Hate and desire for revenge seem from the perspective of tragedy to be creations of forces that caused the conflict and to yield before them may mean going down, if only in thoughts and words, to the level of its most detestable participants. It calls for purification or education of feelings that will replace pity for our people and hate for the others with compassion for everyone except those who crossed borders of humanity. And ability to forgive. Here ends authority of writers and artists whereas secular and ecclesiastical moral authorities have a right to have their say.

One of excellent examples of forgiveness was the memorable letter of Polish bishops to the bishops of Germany. It is a pity that a similar letter was never addressed, if I am not wrong, to Russian and Ukrainian Orthodox bishops. As we already saw, the sites of memory remain closely linked with the sense of collective identity.

The fact that some places belong at the same time to different communities — e. And it attributes even more dangerous meaning to destruction or misrepresentation of these sites that are inevitably perceived as an attempt to obliterate traces of dwelling on some territory or carrying activities in some field by the community different than the one to which they now belong.

A symbolic extermination. Therefore the controversy concerning the sites of memory has inevitably existential dimension and its solution will never be permanent until all involved identities will be satisfied. It means practically that duty of the state within whose borders are the sites of memory of other communities is not only to care for them and protect them, that is something we, the Poles, failed to do in relation to German and Jewish memorials scattered around our country.

Such a state is also obliged to enable the interested people access to these places and practicing commemorative rituals according to their beliefs and convictions. It is the condition sine qua non for replacement of the conflict around the sites of memory with bipartisan search for principles of future coexistence. Such solutions, while calming down the conflict, cannot render impossible or seriously hinder its repeated inflammation if there will not be such a reconstruction of collective memory of the parties that will remove hostility towards the others from the complex of constitutive elements of each party.

The stage should be taken by educators in a broad sense that includes not only teachers of all levels of education but also politicians, clerics, journalists and media people. It is not so that we were always good and bad were always and only the others — this statement, apparently trite in its generalization, was not in the least recognized by all authorities responsible for education of Poles as it is proven by the attempts to reject every fact illustrating it: is it necessary to remind the controversy about Jedwabne?

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In other countries the situation is similar. Research works of historians, works of writers and artists and efforts of educators alone are not sufficient to achieve conditions in which these different memories will coexist recognizing at the same time the right of the others to preserve their separateness. In order to reach such a state the politicians have to first of all give up decisions, speeches and actions hindering or clearly making impossible the pursuit of it.

Nevertheless, it is only the minimal requirement.

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It is also the situation of Europe where each nation remembers the common past in its own way — with differences justified to the extent that should be defined, and when needed corrected, through an international discussion with participation of historians, writers, artists, educators and politicians. Teaching programs and street naming, building of monuments and organization of annual celebrations, care for own and foreign sites of memory i.

Every collective memory is a divided memory and - as it was demonstrated — it has to be such. It does not mean that this division has to take the form of a conflict. If it was the case in the past it was so because the public life of each state and each nation was dominated by one group imposing its own memory on others as generally valid and did not take into account existence of other memories.

It took deep cultural transformations and long lasting political struggle that reconstructed social hierarchy and has shaken up the collective memory to achieve equal status for memories of different groups and classes; anyway it happened more in theory than in the practice, like in Poland, where the memory of the gentry still weighs more than the memory of peasants. But in the past the division of memories was inevitably taking a form of conflict also because the European states and nations could not see the perspective other than keeping balance of power as long as possible, drawing upon conviction based on experience that upsetting this balance will certainly provoke war still present on the horizon; hence the escalation of nationalisms.

Bilateral and changing with time, relations which we will not discuss here were occurring between the two divisions of memory, one within each nation and the other international and between the conflicts that were their result. The only important thing here is the fact that now there exist different perspectives. In domestic public life it is the perspective of democracy characterized by equality of states and nations. However, neither democracy nor Europe are given once and for ever.

They are threatened by various dangers like inflammations of conflicts of domestic and more so international memories by populist and nationalist parties which in circumstances favorable for them — e. So in this double perspective of democracy and Europe it is very important to defuse conflicts of memories like a time bomb. I have stated at the beginning that every memory is the memory of some individual or collective subject.

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But the collective subject is not an abstraction or hypostasis, it is a complex consisting of multitude of individuals linked by bonds of different kinds, collaboration, cooperation and compassion. Attitudes toward foreign collective memories cannot be dictated exclusively by legal regulations implemented by politicians, although their role is important. They have also, if not most of all, to be a manifestation of the moral norms adopted by individuals derived from principle of mutuality which requires that we see in the others ourselves and in another community an equivalent of community of which we are part of.

And to act accordingly.

My suggestion is to replace it with the ethics of memory. Krzysztof Pomian born - historian, philosopher, essayist. Director of nascent Museum of Europe in Brussels. Das Jahrhundert war ein Zeitalter der Totalitarismen, die sich gegenseitig mit der Gefahr, die von dem Anderen ausgeht, legitimiert hatten.

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In dieser Hinsicht bestehen zwischen Verbrechen der Kommunisten und der Nationalsozialisten wechselseitige und enge kausale Verbindungen. Im Raum, in dem der Kleiderwechsel gezeigt wird, versagt die symbolische Darstellung am deutlichsten. Auf einem Bildschirm werden zudem sich umziehende Schatten gezeigt. Nur einige wenige kamen aus der Emigration. In dem Raum zum antikommunistischen Widerstand ist folgender Text zu lesen: "Mehrere Zehntausend meldeten sich zu Organisationen des bewaffneten Widerstands Die Namen vieler sind unbekannt.

Neben keinem der Portraits in den Zellen steht, was genau den dargestellten Personen vorgeworfen wurde und warum sie zu Opfern des Terrors geworden waren. Die Opfer aller wichtigen politischen Prozesse zwischen und sind auf dem Zentralfriedhof in zwei Parzellen bestattet worden. In der benachbarten Parzelle sind sowohl Opfer der Schauprozesse vor als auch Teilnehmer der Revolution des Jahres bestattet. Der Umstand, dass in der Parzelle sowohl unschuldige Opfer, als auch Massenverbrecher ruhen, bzw. Sie sind entweder nicht hier begraben worden, oder wurden noch im Jahre exhumiert und feierlich wieder bestattet.

Seit Beginn des Zweiten Weltkriegs sind nahezu sieben Jahrzehnte vergangen. Von den rund Die Situation in Spanien, Griechenland, Italien und England unterschied sich jeweils von der im restlichen Westeuropa:. Am Neben der strafrechtlichen Aufarbeitung der Verbrechen erschienen zwar Erinnerungsberichte aus Verfolgung und Widerstand, die jedoch ohne besondere Wirkung auf die Gesellschaft blieben.

Gleichzeitig nahm das Thema in Bildung und Wissenschaft immer breiteren Raum ein. Der transnationale Diskurs zwischen West-, Mittel- und Osteuropa hat jedoch erst begonnen. Aus dem politischen Differenzierungsprozess nach gingen in der Tschechischen Republik die neoliberalen Parteien als Sieger hervor.

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Sie wollten deutlich machen, dass sie eine andere Demokratie- und Gesellschaftskonzeption hatten als jene von Sie kam sukzessive, und ihren schwierigsten Teil erledigten die Reformer selbst. Alle Reformgedanken blieben bis aus der Partei verbannt. Sowohl der Reformprozess wie die Folgen seiner Niederlage wurden dort stark abgebremst. In der Slowakei gab es nach eine generell positivere Einstellung zum Erbe des Reformprozesses Es war der Beginn einer zivilgesellschaftlichen Opposition und das historische Ende des Reformkommunismus.

Kulturell bedeuteten die sechziger Jahre eine produktive Aufbruchszeit. Gerade weil sie an die historische Mission des Sozialismus glaubten, trauten sie sich auch, mehr Demokratie zu wagen. Moderated by Prof. Padraic Kenney Prof. Wojciech Roszkowski Dr.

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A panel of invited scholars discusses the nature of economic crises as historical events, with a particular focus on the ways they are experienced, interpreted, and remembered, and also their long-term political and cultural implications. The discussants in this conversation consider what makes economic memory distinct from memories of war and atrocities and, conversely, what makes them similar. They probe new lines of research that explore the sources of economic memory, the kind of language employed when remembering economic events, discursive versus non-discursive memories, economic memory as a tool of political legitimation and alternative memories, to date under-examined.

Kenney: First, I would like to explain why I understand that we are here. At one of the first meetings of the editorial board of the journal, I remarked that the study of memory tends to always focus on the same things. These are very important things, like the memory of war and the memory of atrocities, and maybe sometimes also the memory of revolution.

Scholars discuss memory in these contexts, and there is a great deal more to say about these issues, especially since we continue to have wars, atrocities and revolutions. But I wondered whether a journal whose focus is in part on memory can explore something new?

We really should have such a conversation or even have an issue devoted to that topic. The journal wants to be at the forefront of trends in scholarship. Maybe in this case we are just a little bit ahead of the trend, and so we found that relatively few people are already working on this question of how economic crises are remembered. I should add that we did receive some excellent articles, and they are published in this issue. In most cases, though, the memory of crisis has not moved to the centre of scholarly research. But we should be confident enough to say that, just because we know relatively few people who are working on it, that in itself is not a signal that this is not an important question.

Rather it is a signal that this is something worth discussing at greater length.